Kosovo and Europe

Political Role of the European Union towards Kosovo
By Arben Llapashtica

KIJAC

Introduction

Depending at which side of the coin one looks, the Kosovo question showed both the ineffectiveness and effectiveness of the European Union’s Foreign Policy. This was not something stemming from an act, but rather as a result of almost half a decade long bad policies towards the dissolution of Yu. Since Kosovo issue was also left out of the Dayton Peace Agreement and the European Union’s Foreign Policy suffered a blow during the war in Bosnia in particular and in general out of the break-up of Yugoslavia issue, it was only the European Parliament that continuously reacted through declarations and hearings regarding the situation in Kosovo.
In 1998 European Union Foreign Ministers agreed to impose sanctions on Serbia and appointed a mediator in order to resolve the issues of Kosovo[1], thus it stands to reason that the European Union was trying, albeit using ‘soft’ political and economical instruments, to influence the situation in Kosovo. Unfortunately the reality created in the ground changed dramatically with the escalation of the conflict dooming the initiative of the EU to failure.
Since 1999, the European Union has strived for more proactive policies towards the region. By the second War of the 90’s in Kosovo in 1999, the EU has altered its role based on the lessons learned and attempts that history would not be repeated, to that of senior partner in the civilian aspects of military effort[2].
The development of the security and military policies and instruments went hand in hand with the development of the civilian role and policies of the European Union itself. What was considered to be the “failure” of the EU to respond hastily in Kosovo led the British and French governments take a joint initiative to extend the CFSP to security and defence[3].
All things taken in to account the revisions within the European Union had a positive impact on the general approach of the European Union towards the Western Balkans.
With the aid of several incentives “tools” such as the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, and Stabilization and Association Process the European Union made it clear to the countries of the region that new “game” rules were in place to which everybody would have to abide by.
The United Nations adopted the Security Council Resolution 1244, by which the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo was formed. The Security Council Resolution 1244 gave the mandate to build a Civilian Administration in Kosovo led by the United Nations, under which its people could progressively enjoy substantial autonomy[4]. In order to function more effectively, the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) devised a four pillar structure. Pillar IV or the economic reconstruction pillar, is led by the European Union Mission in Kosovo. European Union Mission in Kosovo together with the European Agency for Reconstruction in Kosovo is headed by the European Commission, and thus gives the European Union a particular role in the international arena. Regardless of how establishment of pillars went, the role and impact of the European Union in post war Kosovo is multi dimensional, undisputed and certainly involves elements of state building.


Involvements of European Union in Kosovo

Since 1999 when the European Union was actively engaged in the region and Kosovo, the priorities of the European Union presence in Kosovo have changed. The main policy instruments used by the European Union in post-war Kosovo were the humanitarian/aid instruments that were performed through the European Community Humanitarian Aid Office, which was active in Kosovo from 1999 until 2003, the so called “emergency phase” and had spent €112M[5].

Later, the European Agency for Reconstruction for Kosovo was formed, and until now has financed projects ranging from infrastructure rehabilitation, health, education, good governance, capacity building, civil society etc, and above all European Union also contributed directly to the Kosovo Consolidated Budget in order to help Kosovar Government establish sound and effective administration[6]. Since 1999 the European Community aid to Kosovo amounts to over € 1.6 Billion[7]. The main financial instrument in funding the above projects was the CARDS programme implemented by the European Agency for Reconstruction, while the direct contribution to the Consolidated Budget of Kosovo was done under the financial assistance from EU.

Later on the European Union moved to economic/reconstruction projects followed by leading the privatization process and, in accordance with the United Nations Resolution 1244, transfer of powers to Kosovar authorities. In its presence in Kosovo from 1999, the European Union had numerous achievements, such as:

· the creation of a modern market economy through the introduction of commercial and economic legislation conforming to European Standards;
· the launch of the privatisation process stimulating economic development and investment; the successful changeover to the euro as the single currency;
· the creation of a working banking system with nine commercial banks including over 240 branches;
· the initiation of free trade agreements and integration of Kosovo into various regional and European economic structures;
· the transformation of the customs service into a modern organisation collecting over 70% of the Kosovo Consolidated Budget (KCB) funds; the introduction of various measures to counter economic crime and corruption; and
· the stabilisation of Kosovo's fragile energy situation’[8]

In the reality created after the declaration of Independence on the 17th of February, and the transition period foreseen in the Ahtisaari agreement the process of transfer of powers from ‘international community’ to Kosovar authorities is almost completed while the European Union will still oversee the achievements of the above mentioned institutions.
During the first years after the Kosovo War, European Union Foreign Policy was mainly directed by the European Commission, because two major actors, European Pillar IV and European Agency for Reconstruction were supervised by it.

Even though the European Union, through its main presences in Kosovo acted as a multi-dimensional actor, i.e. humanitarian aid/economic support/state building, the ‘Brussels Machinery’, also acted as in a monitoring capacity in regards to implementation of democratic principles during this state building project.

With regard to Kosovo being part of the Stabilization and Association process as the main framework policy of the European Union towards the region states, two main events shaped the European Union’s influence in Kosovo. Firstly, the United Nations endorsed ‘Standards for Kosovo’ easily interpreted as another form of the ‘Copenhagen Criteria’ and secondly the 2004 European Partnership with Serbia and Montenegro including Kosovo as defined by United Nations Security Resolution 1244.

‘Standards for Kosovo’ reinforce Kosovo’s progress towards European standards in the framework of the EU’s Stabilisation and Association Process, based on the Copenhagen criteria[9], albeit with a soft hand approach which was designed to “feed” meat to the stabilization and association process.

The EU power was shown in several occasion ensuring that state-building continues in a gradual and “non-forced” manner. To ensure this the EU had several key positions through which they were able to guide the processes. The role of the High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy, a best illustrative one to this regard, was very important in shaping the policies of the Kosovar Government. In a letter addressed to the Chairman of the Kosovar Parliament in February 2003, the High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, writes and requests from the Parliament not to proceed with a resolution that declares independence of Kosovo, since basic pre-conditions such as creation of authentic democratic institutions, are not fulfilled, and that it will not have an effect in resolution 1244[10]. Once again, same as for the ‘Belgrade Agreement’ the High Representative for CFSP uses political pressure in order to achieve the Common Foreign and Security Objectives, and thus support the main claim of the thesis that European Union is an international actor and that its policies towards Western Balkans are changing permanently the environment.

The second main event and/or approach of the European Union towards Kosovo are the European Partnership with Serbia and Montenegro including Kosovo as defined by the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244.

The European Partnership towards Kosovo as defined by the United Nations Security Resolution 1244 defines the tasks which UNMIK and Provisional Institutions of Self Government have to implement. These tasks are grouped under short termed priorities and key priorities and other political, economical requirements, obligations, policies etc. The main Short Term Priority underlined by the European Partnership is the persuasion for implementation of Kosovo Standards as endorsed by the United Nations, in order to ensure a secure, democratic and multi-ethnic Kosovo

Once again the European Union through European Partnership, sets forward the tasks and priorities that, in this case UNMIK and the Provisional Institutions of Self Government (PISG) in Kosovo have to implement in order to benefit from the Stabilization and Association Process, as a general framework of the European Union’s approach towards Western Balkans.

In order to oversee the implementation of the priorities, the European Union in cooperation with UNMIK and PISG developed the Stabilization and Association Tracking Mechanism, as a tool to monitor implementation of the priorities lay out by the European Partnership. Though the Stabilization and Association Process Tracking Mechanism, regular meetings were organized in order to assess progress made by UNMIK and PISG in political, economic and institutional reforms, particularly in compliance with the conditionality of the EU’s Stabilisation and Association Process’[11].

Later on during 2005, even through running one of the Pillars of UNMIK, the European Union through EU Commission showed even greater commitment towards Kosovo. Through a Communication by the European Commission called ‘European Future for Kosovo’, the European Union supported the achievements made in Kosovo and committed itself in a better engagement in Kosovo, by helping Kosovo towards its European aspirations, on the condition that the Kosovar leaders demonstrate commitment for European values[12].

Commitments by European Union in Kosovo are multiple, but since the overall objective is achievement of political goals, i.e. stable and democratic society, it easily supports the claim of the thesis, by which EU is an international actor, even though a ‘sui generis’ one, and by application of its tools and instruments it is causing a permanent change in the society of Kosovo.
Nevertheless, Kosovo was part of the whole Balkan Project, and as noted by Batt, ‘The EU’s commitment to the Balkans thus implies more than a merely ‘foreign policy’ interests in Kosovo question; it is a commitment to partnership with the countries of the region in the shared goal of transforming them into a set of functioning democracies that are capable of becoming future EU member states’[13]

2008 brings a whole new chapter, in regards to relations between the European Union and Kosovo. In February 2008, Kosovo declared independence, and thus showed a bit of discrepancy of the European Union as a whole towards Kosovo, especially because not all of the European Union member states have recognized Kosovo. Independence of Kosovo also opened a new form of relations between Kosovo and European Union, in relation to implementations of the Ahtisaari Proposal, where EU has a great role, and especially in establishing the EULEX.
On the other hand, the support for EU actors in Kosovo shows a discrepancy. Albanians are quite sceptic of the advantages such a presence might have, due to their disagreeable experience with the UN Mission in Kosovo. The Serbs, on the other hand seem to be determined in boycotting all that is linked to an independent Kosovo. One might argue that these missions have not been welcomed by the entire population; One could argue that the deployment itself is a positive sign that paves the way for a more rapid acceptance than anticipated.

Conclusion

Kosovo has made it abundantly clear that it shares aspirations with the countries of the Western Balkans to embrace the values of the EU and eventually become a member of the European family (EU).
The fact that Kosovo was seen and treated as a separate entity throughout after 99, empowers the leadership of Kosovo to fully embrace European values and push hard for changes that are needed in Kosovo journey forward.
The leadership of Kosovo has shown that it is not under the illusions that there will be no obstacles on our way, albeit regardless of the difficulties, government officials in every chance or public appearance have shown public commitment to European Integration. European integration also bulks the political programs of Kosovos political parties closing the circle and ensuring that the commitments towards the EU are not political posturing.

Kosovo needs to meet criteria to be considered a serious candidate for EU. Kosovo has committed itself to the European Partnership Agreement, which in its turn was enriched with the Standards for Kosovo. With the declaration of independence, Kosovo has also taken up the responsibility to attentively implement the Comprehensive Status Settlement Proposal compiled by Mr. Martti Ahtisaari. The EPA and Ahtisaari Proposal complement one and other and encompass a great deal of the reforms Kosovo has to undergo to meet the Copenhagen criteria.

It is of utmost importance that the EU doesn’t yield down from its commitment to integrating Kosovo, as well as the western Balkans, in its midst. Such signals would ensure that the stability of Kosovo is eroded and could lead to further destabilisation of the region as well.

At the same time the EU, faces quite some challenges itself which they need to clear out in a hasty manner. Kosovo seems to have certainly put to the test EU’s unity with the Union not being able to take a common stand on the unilaterally declared independence.

At the end, we could easily argue, similarly as high level politicians do, that ‘Kosovo is sui generis’, one could easily say that road of Kosovo towards EU, and EU’s mission in Kosovo is also ‘sui generis’.
[1] BBC News Service (1998), ‘EU launches Kosovo Initiative’ http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/65482.stm [accessed September 2008]
[2] Smith, Hazel (2002), ‘European Union Foreign Policy – What it is and what it does’ Pluto Press, London pp. 254
[3] Bache, Ian, and George, Stephen (2006) ‘Politics in the European Union’ Oxford University Pres, Oxford, UK, pp. 533
[4] United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo, ‘About UNMIK’, http://www.unmikonline.org/intro.htm [accessed September 2008]
[5] European Commission Liaison Office to Kosovo, ‘How is EU represented’ http://www.delprn.cec.eu.int/en/eu_and_kosovo/echo.htm [accessed September 2008]
[6] EU-Commission, ‘Press Release – Kosovo One Year on the European Contribution’, http://europa.eu.int/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=MEMO/00/12&format=HTML&aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en [accessed September 2008]
[7] EU in Kosovo, ‘What is EU Pillar’ http://www.euinkosovo.org/uk/about/about_pillar.php [accessed September 2008]
[8] EU in Kosovo, ‘What is EU Pillar’ http://www.euinkosovo.org/uk/about/about_pillar.php [accessed September 2008]
[9] United Nations Mission in Kosovo, ‘Standards for Kosovo’ http://www.unmikonline.org/standards/more_info.htm [accessed September 2008]
[10] United Nations Mission in Kosovo –Division of Public Monitoring, ‘Local Media Monitoring – 08 February 2003’ http://www.unmikonline.org/press/2003/mon/feb/lmm080203.htm#1 [accessed September 2008]
[11] European Commission Liaison Office to Kosovo, ’Stabilization and Association Process Tracking Mechanism’ http://www.delprn.cec.eu.int/en/eu_and_kosovo/stm.htm [accessed September 2008]
[12] European Commission Liaison Office to Kosovo, ‘A European Future for Kosovo’ http://www.delprn.cec.eu.int/en/eu_and_kosovo/COM_2005_156.pdf [accessed September 2008]
[13] Batt, Judy (2005) ‘The Question of Serbia’ Chaillot Paper n.81, EU-Institute for Security Studies, http://www.iss-eu.org/chaillot/chai81.pdf [accessed September 2008]

MEDIA AND THE POVERTY

1.1 Media in transition……………………………………………………………...…3
1.2 Poverty in Kosovo…………………………………………………………………4
1.3 Poverty and Media………………………………………………………………...5
1.4 The financial crisis………………………………………………………………...7
1.5 Conclusions………………………………………………………………………..8


By:

Arben Llapashtica


1.1 Media in transition.

Media are an integral part of the society in the democratic system, often alleged also as the “forth power”, based in the theory of separation of powers[1]. In the post 1999 war Kosovo, the media are considered as media in transition, due to several political processes they are undergoing.

Television (telecommunication medium) remains the main source of information for the public audience in Kosovo. According to some recent pools 84% of the public audience receives the information through the television. There are three national televisions in Kosovo, namely Radio Televizioni i Kosovës (“RTK”), Koha Vizion (“KTV”) and Radio Televizioni 21 (“RTV21”), two of them are private media and one, the RTK is public.

Such figures emphasize the role of the media in the information of the public in Kosovo, but, on the other hand, also raise some questions as regards how the media deal with the ethic principles and standards issues, what was the level of accuracy and transparency in reporting the transitional period in Kosovo, what was the level of credibility, responsibility, objectivity and impartiality towards the citizens, and what is more important, how did the media represent poverty - one of the most sensitive issues in Kosovo.

From a general overview one may notice that the information given by the media, especially news-oriented information is focused on the political issues related with the undefined status of Kosovo, or what was generally expressed as the “status quo”. Such approach has contributed to leaving other important issues uncovered or covered in a superficial way.



1.2 Poverty in Kosovo

“Poverty means lack of options and opportunities for human development”[2]

According to the United Nations over 25,000 individuals die every day in the world from undernourishment, i.e. one death from undernourishment every 3.5 seconds, being children most of the victims.

According to UNDP Kosovo continues to be the poorest country in Europe with 37% of the population living with 1.43 Euro per day, and 15% of the population living with 0.93 Euro per day. Extreme poverty is considered living with less than one dollar per day. One of the primary UN goals, states in the Millennium Development Goals, is the eradication of extreme poverty in the world, and this will take a lot of efforts worldwide.

However, in the Kosovo scenario, the poverty is caused by a number of factors. Undergoing several political stages, the occupation and the discrimination have their contribution in such situation.

The Provisional Institutions of Self-Government and also the international organizations present in Kosovo are supporting the economic and social development basing in one of the main Kosovarian resources, which is the young age of its population[3]. According to the UN data almost 52% of the population in Kosovo is under 25 years. This is a very valuable resource for a society, but taking into account the high figures of unemployment, such resource becomes worthless.

Earlier reports of the World Bank have indicated that the province of Former Yugoslavia - Kosovo - was the poorest province comparing to the other provinces and republics of the Former-Yugoslavia. Within Kosovo itself, the rural areas that cover 60 % of Kosovo’s territory are poorer than the urban areas. Such data have often been in the focus of the media, but still it remains the question: How did the media present such sensitive issues?

1.3 Poverty and Media

National TV has been established in Kosovo in the beginning of 1999, in the framework of EU and USAID assistance projects. In the beginning they had a two-hour program whereas now, after eight (8) years they transmit through a 24 hours program.

Packed with young journalists, with higher salaries comparing to the salaries in other Kosovarian institutions, the national televisions are little focused in the poverty issue. Such lack of focusing in the poverty and/or other social issues has several reasons, such as the lack of professionals, politics-oriented editorials, journalist with little creativity or professional etiquette, oriented mainly in the government protocols and events. In general such journalists do not deal with the phenomena but mainly with “the victims” of it.

The topics on the poverty are usually handled in specific days. Usually during the weekend are transmitted more social topics, comparing to the other days of the week. During the week the main news are more or less determined by the political and governmental events, whereas in the weekend, when such events are rare, the journalists tend to focus in social events and issues, obligated by the lack of political events and by the necessity to cover the work of the day. But how ethical such approach is? How are the poor families perceived in the television, how are their stories presented? Unfortunately the poor people are usually presented as isolated, under-educated, weak and vulnerable. Usually the focus is the children, but the darkest side of poverty is portrayed, without taking into consideration the reasons of such poverty and without at least trying to create “the story”.

In the televisions of Kosovo, starting from September 2006, the reports related with social issues are more frequent. Every year the UN Kosovo Team grants the Poverty Prize for best journalistic piece on poverty. The journalists report the poverty following the UN criteria, without trying to expand the topic further.

“Journalistic piece has to be poverty centered, unfolded and tackling various policy perspectives, such as socio-economic analysis, impact of the poverty on people’s life, self solutions identified, fighting the poverty through education, gender equality and poverty eradication, poverty and children and/or features portraying people who live in poverty. It is up to journalist to use variety of elements that could best determine poverty.”[4]

The journalistic reports on poverty usually describe a poor family, showing one of the family members crying, followed by an interview with a government official from the Ministry of Social Welfare, who gives the usual data and argues that the Government is unable to fight poverty due to the low budget in its disposal. The factors of poverty are usually omitted; the issue is not elaborated further. The good thing of such reports consists in the fact that any of the viewers may feel regret and decides to help the family donating food or money. The question still remains: What is happening with journalism or with the other 40 % of the population that lives in poverty.

One of the reasons affecting the professional level of the journalists is the level of payment. Most of the journalists in Kosovo receive a monthly salary up to 300 Euro per month; many of them come from various regions of Kosovo and are obligated to lease an apartment in Prishtina in order to work in the national TV. This economic situation has its contribution in the quality of performance, being the reason that many of them consider the job as their main source of income and are focused in fulfilling the daily requirements of the job (the norm) without trying to elaborate the topics further.

The televisions differ also in the scheduled time dedicated to the social topics. RT21 has a special rubric which deals with poverty, under the name “I am in Kosovo too”, whereas the other televisions tend to be discriminating for such issues.

If we bring in comparison the media in Kosovo with the foreign media and the international one, the differences in the presentation of the social topics are obvious. The foreign journalists try to bring into focus and to increase the public awareness on such issues, in the news there is shown an evident appeal for reaction.

1.4 The financial crisis

The Kosovarian economy and the revenues of the population are tightly related with the emigration since many Kosovarians live and work abroad. The world economy is in a deep financial crisis, which is crushing the international stock markets worldwide. America’s housing collapse is cited as having caused the crisis, which continued with the collapse of many investment firms and savings and loan associations throughout America and Europe.

Media in Kosovo report that the crisis has not and shall not affect the Kosovarian economy, however news on the difficulties encountered by the Kosovo Pensions Trust have already been reported. Even in the case the crisis shall not have a direct impact in the economy; for sure it will impact emigration remittances by putting at risk the jobs of the emigrants. Such concerns have also been stated by Mrs. Sharan Burrow, the President of the International Trade Union Confederation, in the second Global Forum on Migration and Development, which took place in Manila.

She stated that due to the crisis some 20 million workers will lose their jobs. “Many countries have anticipated that they will cut the migrant numbers. This shall affect workers in the fields of construction, cleaning and home care. They are the first to be sent home and in their origin countries they suffer the poverty and unemployment. “ [5]

After the Declaration of Independence on February 17th, 2008, the European Commission has convened the conference of donators for Kosovo. Such conference resolved for an assistance of 1.2 milliard euros to Kosovo; however it is not clear how such assistance will affect poverty. The recent experience shows that such assistance is usually used for sustaining the democratic institutions and its effects in the economic situation are remote.

1.5 Conclusions

The eradication of poverty requires major efforts from all of us. One of the primary factors in reducing poverty are specific projects from the donators and foreign investments.

Kosovo remains the country with the lowest GDP in the region. The war and the conflicts have their contribution in increasing poverty. Other factors are the problems inherited from the occupation period and the dissolution of Yugoslavia. It is essential that Kosovo’s Government implements the appropriate policies against poverty. Public investments in education and health have also their influence in decreasing poverty.

As far as the media is concerned, it appears that media are deficient in the freedom of speech and also the etiquette code. The media does not represent and reflect the real situation of the people in Kosovo, but is focused in transmitting news from the government, often one-sided. Most of the news are transmitted by official governmental spokesman, often ignoring the journalism rules. Investigative journalism is rare. Public awareness campaigns and public debates on the most sensitive issues are also absent. We are witnessing the aggravation of the poverty in Kosovo, therefore the efforts against it should commence in the governing levels and supported by the whole public opinion.
[1]Modern democratic theories and implementations, especially after Montesquieu’s theories, rely on the separation of powers: executive (government), legislative (parliament) and judicial (courts) branches of power are separated, hence the definition of media as the fourth power.
[2] UNDP, 1997 Global:15
[3] According to the UN statistics approximately
[4] United Nation Kosovo Team http://www.unkt.org/repository/docs/Information_for_Poverty_Prize_Contest.pdf
[5] Sharan Burrow, Manila conference October 2008

RILINDJA newspaper and the 81’ protests

Professor: Dafina Paca
Student: Arben I. Llapashtica
KIJAC 2008

“All publishing, journalistic and graphic design staff of the “Rilindja” newspaper, unanimously and strongly denounce the protests as organized by enemy elements, and support the containment measures taken by the political-social organizations and government institution. Especially the protests have worked against the Albanian ethnicities and their successes achieved under the self-governing period of socialist development. “We are convinced that such protests are harmful to the Albanian ethnicities, as well as all other Yugoslavian ones”.[1]
At the end of World War II, Kosova was firmly inserted under the Yugoslavian political umbrella. Kosova was sanctioned an autonomous province under the Republic of Serbia by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of the People of Yugoslavia, ratified on January 31st, 1946. But Albanians of Kosova were denied their basic human rights. Discriminated against, and treated as an ethnic minority, they asked for a Kosovar Republic in the Yugoslavian Federation.
The 1968 protests secured a better status for Albanians in Yugoslavia. In 1969, Albanian became an official language in Yugoslavia, the Albanian flag was legalized and in 1970 the University of Prishtina was founded.

After the ratification of the 1974 Constitution, Kosova gained the right of representation in all administrative and executive branches of the government, as well as the right to veto in the Yugoslavian Federate, the same as its other 6 federal constituents such as the Republic of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Serbia. The February 27, 1974, Constitution of the Socialist and Autonomous Province of Kosova, defined Kosova a social and political entity in its first article, but with hybrid political and juridical ties, when it stated that “Kosova is under the jurisdiction of the Socialist Republic of Serbia and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia”. Even after the constitution was ratified, Kosova was still in an unfavorable position. Its economic, political and social conditions declined with the death of the Communist leader after WWII - Joseph Broz Tito in 1980.
This constitution paled after 1981, obliging the majority of the ethnic Albanians, 90% of Kosova’s population, to ask for equal rights with other ethnicities. The “spontaneous” shaking of the Yugoslavian Federate had started. On March 11, 1981, the students of the University of Prishtina (around 50000 at the time) had already started demanding better fare in the University Cafeteria, which later instigated protests that spread throughout the territories of Kosova.
These demands were ignored by the Province Committee of Albanians and Serbs which governed the province of Kosova.
Desperate, students escalated their protests. The 1981 protests started on March 11, to continue on the 25th, 26th, then on April 1, 2, 3, 4.
The simple people, the workers, youth and many other citizens joined the student protests, thus giving them a totally different direction. That particular period was considered a decisive turn of Kosova towards its freedom. The violence used by the Yugoslavian police on the protesting students had influence the rest of the people, causing the outbursts of April 1981. These protests, known as “The Albanian Spring 81” were the first to articulate the Republic of Kosova demands.
On April 1st, the people gathered from all regions of Kosova, and protested under violence and tear gas, demanding “Conditions for Students” “Conditions for the workers” “Down with enslavement, long live freedom” “Kosova is ours” “Trepce is ours” Kosova-Republic” “We are Albanians, not Yugoslavians”.
As per Rexhep Qosja, academic:“We would not get to where we are today, if not for the protests of 1981”.[2]
The American newspaper “NEW YORK TIMES” summed the 1981 protests thus:
“There are 6 republics in the Yugoslavian Federate. What difference would the 7th republic make? Why shouldn’t Kosova be a republic if 90% of its inhabitants are ethnic Albanians”.[3]

“Corriere della Sera” of Milan reported on April 1981: “Kosova is always a forbidden land to foreign diplomats and journalists. The region is still on high alert and all our information is being received through the filters of official statements”.
This essay will analyze some articles in the Albanian newspapers of the time reporting on the 1981 protests. The largest Albanian newspaper of the time was “Rilindja” established after World War II by the Yugoslavian communists. We will try to analyze how much this newspaper actually served its primary purpose, by comparing and analyzing its articles and their pro-Yugoslavian politics and promotion of unity-brotherhood, with the illegally published articles that supported the protesters and the “Revolutionary Group of Kosova” organization, and later on “The Marxist-Leninist Organization of Kosova” which also supported the 1981 protests.
All the political development of the Yugoslavia at the time have been filtered through the news agency “TANYUG”[4] .
Kosovar Newspaper “RILINDJA” was obliged to publish all the initiatives, political developments and the statements of the committee. In a way, “RILINDJA”, was the spoke-agency of the central committee of the communist party of Yugoslavia.
During the March and April protests of 1981, “RILINDJA” would only publish the speeches of the region committee conference, the central committee of Yugoslavia, the Socialist Coalition, while leaving very little space to the demands of its citizens, spread out in almost all of Kosova. The newspaper published almost in full all the speeches of the main political leaders of the time, and very few articles of the Albanian journalists and authors, whether in “Rilindja” or its periodic supplements.
After the protests, there wasn’t much space for the protesters voices either. The headlines of the largest newspaper in Kosova were full of declarations, speeches, and minutes from the regional committee meetings in Kosova.
“Proclamation; all the relevant measures will be taken against these hostile actions” was one of the declarations of comrade Xhavid Nimani, chairman of the Board of the Socialist and Autonomous Region of Kosova (KSAK).
“The enemy tried to deceive our studying and working youth for its own treacherous purposes. The people, nations and ethnicities of Kosova saw this, and the enemy did not manage to weaken the unity-brotherhood and trust in between all nations and ethnicities in Kosova”.[5]
The paper called the protesters “irredentists”, “counter-revolutionaries”, led by “enemy entities”. The declaration of the chairman of the Board of the Socialist and Autonomous Region of Kosova, Xhavid Nimani, states: “These enemy entities only used nationalistic and demagogic slogans, in order to gather as many young people and other citizens, but they also used dirty ways too, such as pressure, blackmail, even maltreatment of children”.[6]
Avni Spahiu, Chair of “Radio Kosova”, was its correspondent and journalists in USA during 1981. He concedes that the circumstances of the time were very difficult for the Kosovar journalism.
“We, the journalists and editors of ‘RILINDJA’, were aware of everything happening around us. Individually, deep inside we all supported them. But there was no way to publish our own personal opinions or even that of the editors, because it was not possible to have them published without any repercussions for the author”.[7]
“Voice of Youth” was a magazine of a political, social, informative, cultural and literary nature during 1981. This magazine was more privileged then the daily newspapers such as “RILINDJA”. Sejdi Osmani was the chief editor of the “Voice of Youth” magazine. Even if this magazine was a periodical, it was still impossible to support the protesters, because of the repercussions it would bring.
“The night the March 11 protests, I had already sent all the magazine material to the mill. The magazine was then published weekly and it stayed sometime in the publishing mill. After the protests started that evening, someone from the party leaders of the time went to the mill, checks the materials submitted and orders about 70 per cent of it pulled out. Then the mill manager calls me immediately and tells me what happened. I then went to the mill and returned all the materials back to the publishing staff and asked the managers not to pull anything that I had submitted since I was the chief editor of the magazine and it was solely my decision what to publish or not. Later, this fact was used as an excuse to attack “Voice of Youth” from some communists, accusing us that through our articles we were supporting the protesters and inciting all irredentists and nationalistic feelings of Kosovar youth”.[8]
The freedom of speech and media was strictly forbidden in Kosova. If something was published that did not fit into the frames set by the Socialist Coalition, or the Communist Party, there was no predicting what type of repercussions would be doled out for the journalists and editors. At that time, there were also illegal newspapers which supported the Kosovar demands for Kosova-Republic. One of them was the “LIRIA (Freedom)”. The Marxist-Leninist Organization of Kosova published this newspaper, managing at least 6 issues of it. This organization was led by Kadri Zeka, in emigration at the time.
“LIRIA” wrote: “Even if all the demands and requests of the first protest were mainly social and economic in nature, it was still considered hostile and not only were none of the students demands considered, and no measures to better their conditions were taken, but also police violence was used against the protesters. This violence and the subsequent arrests added to the revolt and unhappiness of the students, which burst into a bigger and more determined protest on March 26”.[9]
The Albanian newspaper “Zëri i Popullit official gazette of the Albanian communist regime stated that the demand for a Republic of Kosova was fair.
"Kosova demands the Republic status within the Yugoslavian Federate. This status represents the aspiration of a great people, rightfully demanding “its sovereignty status” and not that of “ethnic minority”, unfairly tagged on it in Jaica".[10]
Students were not alone in these protests. A large number of workers, pupils and other citizens joined their ranks. In addition to the previous slogans, economic and social in nature, political demands and slogans were also issued. The March 26 protests were the most popular and very political in nature.
Meanwhile, “Rilindja” stated that all the protesting citizens were “but a small number of people” being influenced by small illegal and hostile groups who aimed to disturb public peace.
“Rilindja” published the speech of chairman of the Board of the Socialist and Autonomous of Kosova, citing: “We are aware that a number of students and pupils, and a minority of the workers and citizens have unthinkingly joined their protests organized by enemy entities, thus allowing these entities to manipulate them. We have to help them by showing them where we stand and mobilizing them in our battle with the enemy that has managed to manipulate them”. [11].
Journalists of the time state that the citizens were informed regarding the protests and that there were articles about those events. The information submitted for publication was very strictly controlled before.
Avni Spahiu clarifies the method of “reading between the lines”:“The article was published at the time and we had our own ‘reading between the lines’ method. For example the information stated what really happened. It was more important to publish that information, but the epithets must be taken out, you must understand that they were part of the system that controlled the information. It was more important that the public knew what was happening, how many students, how many professors were arrested. That means that the information given was controlled”[12].
The 1981 protest, especially those of April 1 and 2, spread out in all of Kosova. “Rilindja”, with its motto “Organ of the socialist coalition of the working people of Kosova”, ignored the protest in general. Published articles from “TANYUG” in the Thursday, April 2 1981 issue do not indicate any type of trouble whatsoever. The first page sports news of the official friendly trip of the Chair of the Yugoslavian Federate Board, headlined “Cvjetin Mijatovich visits Zambia and Tanzania”: “Beograd, April 1st, (TANJUG)- The board revised and approved all information on the official friendly visit that the Chair of Yugoslavian Federate Board will conduct in The Zambia Republic and United Republic of Tanzania”.[13]
Activist Hydajet Hyseni-Kaloshi addressed and oriented the protest at the center of Prishtina on April 1st 1981, emphasizing the historical role of the 1981 protests. “Social problems, colony-like status, protests against the worsening circumstances, and the violence used against the protesters, upholding slogans, especially the one Kosova-Republic, freeing of the prisoners, orderly protests, no damaging, no excess etc.”[14]
While all Prishtina was rocking with the powerful voices of the protesters demanding better conditions for the students and the workers, freedom of their imprisoned friends, new constitution, self-governing, Kosova- Republic and a whole lot of other slogans, the morning issue of “Rilindja” published articles on spring produce. After the big protest of April 26, “Rilindja” again published in its morning issue, articles describing the spring sowing campaign in Kosova, headlined: “Good weather intensified field labors”. The first page of the newspaper of April 2nd, 1981, dedicated half of its space to a normally working reaping machine, and the headlines: “Spring sowing continues; yesterday in the Lipjan fields.”
“Bio-industry – particular importance. Sowing in general is going well. Barley and Sugarbeet have been sowed successfully.”[15]
The protests of April 1, 2, 3 were particularly massive. The protests were bordering on rebellion. Belgrade sent heavy artillery and armed forces meant to subdue the masses. Many of them were concentrated at the people’s bank of Kosova, where the Government building is situated today. The protest participants reckon that Prishtina at that time was in the brink of war with thousands of protesters, barricades, burned cars, military objects and Yugoslavian airplanes “MIG” that flew over the city. The next morning “Rilindja” again ignored the protests, sporting titles such as “The good model of ‘KOSOVODRVO’, a woodworking factory.
“After this decision, the “Kosovodrvo” productions become the cheapest in the country. In order to better answer to the daily needs of its citizens, the company directors decided to lower their prices at an average of 20% yesterday”.[16]
There is a little article published in the second page of “Rilindja”, taken from “TANJUG”:“Today, the enemy elements tried to disrupt public order and peace again in Prishtina, protesting with Albanian Chauvinist and other hostile slogans. The social-political and public order branches took particular measures to stop such harmful purposes”.[17]

These were the only lines that reported on the 1981 protests, even after their large scale and format. Instead the newspaper was full of unnecessary news to the Kosovar citizens. The headlines were mainly chronicles of official ceremonies and visits of Yugoslavian dignitaries such as: “Cvijetin Mijatovich met with Rexhep Xhiha yesterday”, “Cvijetin Mijatovich sent a telegram to Edward Vijola” “Joseph Verhovec met with Herr Max” “The new book of Alexander Gerlikov was promoted” “Good possibilities of collaboration between the Socialist Republic Federate of Yugoslavia and Bulgaria”.

The western media continued to talk about the tragic event of the March and April protests of 1981. The Spanish journalist Torro Riesco wrote a long comment titled “The poor and discriminated Kosova”. (Excerpt)
“The Albanians of Kosova are second hand citizens in Yugoslavia. Kosova is the most backward region of Yugoslavia and of the whole Europe. There is a visible inequality between Kosova and the other republics”.[18]
Journalist Avni Spahiu explains that ‘supporting the protesters in those conditions would be a kind of a suicide’. So they had to make do with publishing what they could about the events and read the truth between the lines.
“These are the stories that came into the editing room and they were mostly published. When the journalists wrote, they did insert statements ‘he said that’, there was space to say things, but very carefully, because just like the protesters and all the people, the journalists were targets too. There were searches for the enemy even amongst the journalists, ‘who is the enemy’ we can find, who is the editor that allowed this and/or that”. [19]
The official politicos of Ygoslavia and Kosova declared the protester as ‘counter-revolutionaries’, stating that if Albanians were given Republic status, they would first endanger the territorial integrity of Yugoslavia and later on demand they unite with Albania.
During the spring of 1981 protests the political representatives of Kosova and Yugoslavia met intensively and tried to subjugate the demands of the Kosovar majority. As an extension of the Socialist Coalition, “Rilindja” was used to propaganda and label these protests as “hostile actions” and state that “the majority of people did not condone such protests”. The header of “Rilindja” was used to publish telegrams of enterprises and company directors who stated that they did not support the protests. The first part of the first page of “Rilindja” was taken by the declaration of the Chairman of the Board of the Socialist and Autonomous Region of Kosova, whereas the other part was full of declarations of the “Kosovar citizens and workers”.
“Workers and citizens from all over Kosova strongly denounce the protests”.[20]
The protests slogans stated that “Trepce is ours” and that “Trepce exports – Belgrade builds”. Trepce is a very old mining zone of lead, zinc and silver in the Mitrovica Commune. During the times of Yugoslavia, it was one of the leading engines fueling the Yugoslavian economy. “Rilindja” published a fake telegram sent to the Board of the Socialist and Autonomous Region of Kosova by the communists of the zinc, silver and lead foundry in response to the protesters slogans.
“We, the communists of the lead and zinc foundry ‘Trepce’, strongly denounce the enemy actions. We also take this chance to express our complete readiness and conviction that we will fight such actions with all the means at our disposal. We also use this occasion, to once again confirm that the ‘Trepce’ communists stand determined behind the politics of the Yugoslavian Communists Coalition”.[21]
The declaration of the “Trepça” foundry workers was not the only one published at “Rilindje”. This newspaper started publishing many articles and telegrams of all communes of Kosova where the largest workers and enterprises were situated. “We are ready for a determined war against the enemies that organized such protests” – read the headline of the next article in the main page of.
“The communists and other workers of the labor organization of “Metalik” Gjakova, at a meeting held yesterday, strongly denounced (the protesters) and distanced themselves from any kind of enemy activity. At the same time, they expressed their support of the politics of the Communist Coalition of Yugoslavia, and the measures undertaken by this organization against such enemy activity. The workers of this organization express their readiness to protect the fruit of the revolution and the socialist and self-governing development”.[22]
“We call them hostile actions” – read another headline of the “Rilindja” editorial, including almost all enterprises such as: the workers of the textile manufacturer “Integj” in Gjilan, then at the meeting of the workers of the oil factory “Millan Zeçar”, where, according to the newspaper, “these enterprises support the stance of Board of the Socialist and Autonomous Region of Kosova, that all the necessary measures against organized protests in some parts of Kosova must be undertaken”.
“TANJUG” news agency continued to issue declarates and minutes of joint meetings of the Central Committee and the Board of the Communist Coalition of Serbia. “Rilindja” quoted “TANYUG” under the headline “The Prishtina protests are against the political system of socialist self-governing”.

“The turbulences manifested through street protests, boycotting lessons in schools and universities and efforts to disrupt the economic flow, were denounced by the workers and all politically organized entities of Kosova”.[23]
The authoritative communist system of the 80ies did not leave any space for the journalists to at least describe what was really happening during those times. Avni Spahiu explains the journalistic system of the time.
“We tried to do something with the bylines, to faithfully render the events, otherwise everything else was absolutely controlled”.[24]
CONCLUSION
“RILINDJA” was founded during 1945, when there were still illegal groups and organizations that aimed to separate Kosova from Yugoslavia after World War II. This newspaper was conceived as the voice of the Communist Community. This newspaper has always fought any tendency for national freedom of the Albanians. This newspaper was firmly against the 1981 protests, and ignored them only publishing few short articles that portrayed these protests as some hostile citizens that were manipulated by “the reactionary forces of the world”.
RILINDJA reported that the platform of all enemies was the separation of Kosova and other Albanian territories and their joining Albania. As for the neighboring Albanian leaders, they were considered “to be of anti-Yugoslavian orientation since 1948”.
The journalists that used to work in this newspaper, privately supported the right of the Kosovar citizens to protest, but it was impossible to express this support openly in the pages of the newspaper the revolutionary and integrated Yugoslavia of Tito founded. The “Rilindja” journalists tried to express the events through their poems and the “between the lines” method.
“RILINDJA”, which is considered a symbol of the Kosvar media was closed during 1989, after the suppression of the Kosova Autonomy by Slobodan Miloscevic, with the excuse that it was supporting the irredentism and separatism of the “Albanian minority” of Kosova.
The protests that spread all over Kosova, did a lot of damage to the people. During 1981-1990, 183 civil citizens and 63 Albanian soldiers of the Yugoslavian army were killed, and 1346 soldiers and 10000 civilians were punished for political heresy. In 1990, over 7000 pupils were poisoned by war poison. These protests happened a year after the death of Marshal Tito. And, they are now considered to be one of the reasons of the fall of Yugoslavia, starting with Kosova and ending with an independent Kosova.
[1] Declaration of the “Rilindja” staff regarding the 1981 protests, April 7, 1981
[2] Interview – Qosja R. Epoka e Re newspaper pag 10 May 4 2006 edition

[3] New York Times newspaper April 27 1981 edition
[4] Telegrafska Agencija Nova Jugoslavija (TANJUG) was founded on November 5, 1941.

[5] Comrade Nimani Xh. Declaration in” Friday, April 3, 1981 edition of Rilindja newspaper

[6] “RILINDJA” April 3 1981- Declaration of the chairman of the board of KSA-së of Kosova

[7] Interview Avni Spahiu, May 7, 2008
[8] Interview with Osmani S. former editor of “Zëri i Rinës” magazine 1981
[9] “The war of our people is right and it will triumph”, Liria, Issue 3, May 1981
[10] “Zëri i popullit”, Albania, May 17 1981

[11] “Rilindja” “We will undertake all neccesary measures against enemy activity” – The declaration of Comrade Xhavid Nimani, Chairman of the Board of KSA of Kosova, April 3 1981

[12] Interview with Spahiu A. former journalist of “Rilindja”, May 25 2008

[13] “Rilindja”, meeting of RSFJ board, April 2 1981- Header
[14] Interview od Zëri newspaper with Hyseni-Kaloshi H, interview of “Zëri”on the 25th anniversary of the Kosovar spring, Zëri edition of March 16-18 2006, pg. 8

[15] “Rilindja”, Bio-Industry, April 2 1981
[16] “Rilindja”, 20 % Cheaper productions, April 2 1981
[17] “Rilindja”, Prishtinë, April 1 (TANYUG)

[18] “Avoi” Spanish newspaper
[19] Interview Avni Spahiu, former journalist of “Rilindje”, May 25 2008
[20] “Rilindja”, “Telegram sent to the to boards of Kosova”, April 3 1981

[21] “Rilindja” telegram from the “Trepce” employees, April 3 1981

[22] “Rilindja”, telegram from the “Metaliku” empoyees, Gjakova, April 3 1981

[23] “Tanjug” as quoted by “Rilindja” – Proclamation from the jonit meeting of the Board of KQ of LK of Serbia and the Board of RS of Serbia.
[24] Interview with Spahiu A former journalist at “Rilindja”, May 2007

THE TREASURE

Arben I. Llapashtica

Novo Berde


Medieval pride and all proof of old regional civilization, is left at the bottom of the Municipalities of Kosovo. Such is the case of Novo berda. Novo berda or Nojberg, as it was called by Saxon crafts man, was established as a municipality quite late, but as a city or an inhabited place, it could be easily said that it has been one since the 9th century A.D.. The construction of the place and the castle as well, began between the 9th and 12th century, at the time when the Byzantine Empire ruled over these areas. Underground riches that the region, where Novo berda is located today, used to have, were the main reasons for formation of this town. This uphill valley was rich with gold and silver, commodities that enabled Novo Berde, a European fame and an emperor’s reality. Today the only remaining wealth of Novo Berde, is the cultural heritage that has been left to the mercy of God. Unknown and illegal persons continue to search for the Treasure in the fortress of Novo Berda, a city which has been a protected cultural heritage for over 50 years now. The treasure hunters, who usually act at night and search for "gold" with metal detectors, have become a real concern to the inhabitants and the Institute for Protection of Historical Monuments.
The Ministry of Culture has drafted several regulations, still it seems asthough plans to protect the cultural heritage remain only good intentions on paper, whereas reality shows to be the total opposite.

The cultural heritage serves as evidence to this society’s and this country’s identity. Losing it would be an irreplaceable and severe loss of the intangible attributes of this country and its people. Empirical experience shows that three meaningful momentums could be extracted with regard to the protection of cultural heritage. First of all, he who trades with it’s nation’s material culture, deepens his pockets, harms his consciousness and reduces to poverty the mind and the past of the needed – seller. Secondly, he who deliberately ruins his nation’s material culture, is a barbarian, but if he does so by accident he is a fool. Finally, he who shares with the enemy things belonging to the treasury of the material culture is harmful, and if he delivers those goods or fumbles through the treasury on or underground he shall be barred from his people
The Roman writer Lucrecius Carus said 2000 years ago that "A nation which does not know of its past is like a newborn, it knows nothing!" Cultural, material and spiritual heritage is a way towards gaining that knowledge. Therefore, it needs to be sought, protected and presented. Novo Berda is the best example of how this cultural heritage is not being protected. The municipality of Novo Berda is considered to be one of the poorest, yet the wealthiest when it comes to its multithenicity, best shown by the many foundations of the churches and mosques. Today, symbols in Albanian, Serbian and English denote that Novo Berda is a protected site for its cultural heritage - since 1960 the Yugoslav authorities have labled this place as being of distinct importance. Just like in fairy tales, irresponsible people have dug holes of 3 meter deep in their quest of the lost jar with gold. Worrisome is the harm caused by the holes dug and the destruction caused by these clandestine criminal groups, who in search of old coins with areceological value, destroy so many pieces of the cultural heritage in this region.
The digging has alarmed the Intitute for the Protection of Monuments of Cultural Heritage. Haxhi Mehmetaj says that these diggings by these irresponsible people are ruining the cultural and archeological heritage. "Each clandestine attempt to excavate is illegal to us, it damages the archeological layers, it damages the heritage, which is not only ours but belongs to the world, because all monuments created by mankind are a heritage belonging to mankind."
The municipality of Novo Berda has expressed its remorse that even the people who have come to rebuild this country have been destroying it. Four UNMIK officials were caughts digging in an attempt to find the archeological treasure at the medieval castle of Novoberde, east Kosovo. The guard of the castle, who works only during the day, spotted these police officers and warned them that digging was prohibited, yet they just ignored him. The UNMIK police officers that according to the Director of the Institute were of Ukrainian origin, using a metal detector had dug 28 holes that according to the pattern. "I saw that they had been digging and had found some old coins, I warned them in Albanian that digging was not allowed, they ignored me and confiscated my mobile phone"
The Institute and the Municipality do not have the necessary financial means to employ more guards that would look after this protected heritage. One guard to protect a region of 120 acres is certainly not sufficient and will not be able to prevent it from being assaulted by treasure haunters.
The mayor of Novo Berda, Bajrush Ymeri, has requested from the SRSG, Joachim Rücker that the necessary measures be taken against the UNMIK officials. They have expressed their remorse that these UNMIK officials have been caught in such an illegal activity, and have certainly expressed their disappointment that it was the people who should be protecting this country and guarding the rule of law that were harming it and breaking the law. "The municipality of Novo Berda condemns this scandalous act of the UNMIK officials, who through such illegal activity have harmed and damaged the cultural heritage of this municipality"
This press release does not seem to have bothered the authorities of the UNMIK administration. The UNMIK media department, DPI, says that they have no answer regarding the case and that it is still being investigated Historians believe that the cultural heritage has been used for political matters, to be more exact it was used to construct false historical rights of the Serbs over Kosovo:
"Kosovo’s heritage is being confronted with many challenges among which these three: 1) Using cultural heritage as a means of political pressure by Serbia, 2) non-professionalism 3) (No) Approach of UNMIK towards cultural heritage until 2004. Not to underestimate the other challenges, it is necessary to state that with regard to cultural heritage Kosovo is mainly burdened by its political challenge, I believe that where there is politics involved there is no such thing as real protection of heritage.
The Institute for the Protection of Historical Monuments has asserted its concern because the UNMIK officers have been brought to Kosovo to serve for the protection of this country, its people and its heritage and they act totally against what their duty is by robbing it. "I have spoken to an UNMIK police officer, but he was trying to reconstruct the case, above all he has presented me with some ridiculous objects that he has found such as bullet shells from the Second World War, totally useless shells and new coins, whereas the guard is telling me a different story. The guard says that he has seen some medieval coins, he recognized them cause he is experienced and knows the difference, he says he has also seen earth pots, copper objects and other things"
The Ministry of Culture and the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic Of Kosovo are drafting a plan to protect objects of the cultural heritage. Budgetary implications seem to be a challenge for these two ministries; they are seeking to cooperate to realize these plans. While other archeological sites and the castle of Novo Berda risks losing that little prestige/value that has remained, the deputy Minister of Culture says that they do not yet know which objects will be preserved. "We have not yet received a register of the monuments which need to be protected urgently. The Ministry of Culture is working in that direction, drafting a plan of the monuments that need to be prioritorized for protection"
At the Institute for the Protection of Monuments they believe that it is the citizens that encourage others to hunt the urban legends of the Balkans.about treasures and jars filled with gold. The Institute is asking the people to stop digging, because there is no such thing as a treasure:
"It would truly be a coincidence if someone would find a treasure. We have made
so many archeological excavations for years and years. The last of those took
place in 2002-2003 and we have finally managed to convince the people that we
haven’t found neither silver nor gold. These diggings have lasted for 2 to 3
months, this should serve as evidence that there is no such thing as a hidden
treasure and that it is pure coincidence if someone happens to find old coins. This
means that people should realize that all the digging, all the trouble that they go
through, the stress of being caught is really not worth it as these is no jar filled with gold, and eventually they will be caught and punished as being criminals,
which will happen for certain because we are determined to bring an end to this
legend"

Like in many eastern European countries, we in Kosovo, too, lack the contemporary system of protecting our cultural heritage. These problems did not come to exist in the past years they have been existent since the time of Ex-Yugoslavia. After the Second World War, Kosovo came to be part of Yugoslavia. It became an autonomous entity within the Republic of Serbia. The 1999 conflict brought about many damages, among those hundreds were of cultural value. When the Kumonaovo Agreement was reached between NATO and the Serb army that arranged for the Yugoslav paramilitary to be withdrawn from Kosovo, many objects of cultural heritage were stolen and even with the attempt of the internationals who tried to negotiate a return of these objects, they remain in the wrong hands. Even after the arrival of the international community in Kosovo, UNMIK – NATO and the EU, the protection of cultural heritage has not been consolidated. The issue has become even more serious after the riots of 17 March, 2004. The riots took place after 3 children lost their lives in the Ibar River in Mitrovica, North Kosovo. The following days, many churches and monasteries were destroyed as a sign of remorse by the Albanians. Although the event seemed to have been a spontaneous reaction, it is still considered to have had a negative effect as it has weakened the positive image that the international community had of Kosovo. The government then promised that it would rebuild all the buildings that were cultural heritage.
Within the Ministry of Culture a special division was formed – the Division of Cultural Heritage (DCH). The DHC deals with very complex issues of protection of cultural heritage by acknowledging the values of cultural heritage and amending its usage to the needs of the contemporary society.
The DCH, works based on a few principles:
Kosovo’s cultural heritage is an important and integral part of our life environment and is regarded to be the wealth of all the generations of the kosovar society
This cultural heritage, should initially be valued, protected and passed on to future generations, without any prejudices about background, be it: ethnical, religious, construction, type, time of contruction, physical state and owndership.
The protection of cultural heritage is a state and collective responsibility and is considered to be an important factor in establishing sustainable social and economical level of the country, region and broader.
The law is essential for the protection of cultural heritage, the law has its normative acts that could prevent the damaging of monuments of cultural heritage and the clandestine unearthing that are unfortunately spread all over Kosovo and not only in Novo Berde. The law which has been proposed by the government, that has many flaws, has not been passed yet, still its implementation would sanction and penalize all illegal acts.
Citizens do not seem to be well informed of the importance and value of cultural heritage, this in its turn results with a lack of organizing of debated, discussions regarding the prevention of damaging of cultural heritage or even the illegal diggings. Protection of historical monuments could be achieved through interethnical cooperation, and the cooperation between the police and the community, when this is accomplished, the cooperation would finally show its rewarding results.









Bibliography
Mehmetaj, Haxhi. Personal Interview. 6 June 2008.
"Programs of the Ministry of Culture for cultural heritage." Ministry of Culture. 1 Jan. 2005. 1 Jan. 2005 .
Shukriu, Edi. "Tribune of PEN Kosovo center." Cultural Heritage of Kosovo. 1 Dec. 2006. 1 Dec. 2006 .
Shukriu, Muhamed. Ancient Prizren: Morphology of effluences for preservation of material culture. Prizren: Press, 2001.
Ymeri, Bajrush. "for Kosovo Medias." Press Release 5 Mar. 2008: 1.

Vllasaliu, Islam. Personal Interview. 15 June 2008
Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports. Departament of Culture . "Programs of the Ministry of Culture for cultural heritage"2005 http://www.mkrs-ks.org/?cid=1,110
Kajtazi, Lirie Deputy Minister of Culture, Interwiev "Koha Ditore" "Mobilizohen per ruajtjen e trashigimise" 29 may 2008A-1

Representation of the “Other”

Representation of the “Other"

STUDENT Arben I. Llapashtica
KIJAC

INTRODUCTION
Media is often referred to as “fourth power” in a country, and for the development of democracy media is considered of special importance. Media is considered as pillar of a society and it can’t be imagined that a society can be democratic without free and open media with equal approach to all communities.
After the war Kosovo has changed deeply by adapting democratic values and in this context also the concepts like “the other”, women portrayal in the media have started to be treated more seriously by the media. The transitory period Kosovo is going through made the media go through certain political processes following these developments and very often supporting certain policies.
This support of certain policies has made the presentation of the events to contain political message by leaving aside the essence of the event.
It is important that the Kosovan media has changed during this period, but unfortunately very often they were forced to, or else, they changed as a consequence of learning lessons from the problems they created themselves while not understanding the importance of the media and professional and ethical principles. In other words through the theory of GUY, Hall et al. who expresses the cultural differences is the easiest way to understand and to treat the phenomenon of presenting the others in printed media in Kosovo.
The presentation of “the others”, like the minorities and other marginalized groups, in the printed media in Kosovo, does not have a single form, but it differs according to groups and events. The historical aspect should be in mind, too. The region lived through undemocratic regimes and this general memory also influenced the presentation of “the others” to have a different background. In this essay I will try to analyze some of important printed media, by analyzing some stories, related to these groups, published in these media.
I will expound an article of the daily newspaper “DITA” “When Petar becomes Peter”. And also I will analyze a story of another newspaper with title “MASTER OF CHEATING” a case of a Kosovo Parliament member of Roma-Ashkali ethnicity. We will also treat some other marginalized groups like: women, poor, street children.

REPRESENTATION OF SERBS IN THE KOSOVAN MEDIA
An increase of the media reports about the Serb minority is noticeable, yet not enough. But, compared to the number of the population the number of the reports about the Serb minority is satisfying. The voice of the Serb political representatives can be heard more than the voice of Serb people in the inside of the daily newspapers. Very rarely are the living conditions of the Serbs presented, their opportunities or their perspective to live in Kosovo. Media in Kosovo does not treat the problems, lives and events of Serbs. The subject that the media treats more have to do with Serbian poetical thinking, and by developing the thoughts of a group of Serbs, who often declare themselves as Serb leaders, and with written media support become decision making factors, although not being such at all. When Serb media represents the life of a Serbian they usually show them as victims or “forgotten” either on photos or articles. Are the newspapers fabricating or stimulating hate between the ethnicities? Is the Serbian community really violated by the Albanian majority in Kosova? How is Serbian minority represented in written Medias?
All this we will analyze with an article we extracted from a daily newspaper “DITA”
“DITA” CASE
Petar Topoljski a member of the Kosovo Serb community was found dead in a village near Prishtina (capital of Kosova). Topoljski was accused two weeks earlier by the daily “DITA” that before and during the NATO bombardment in Kosova in 1999 has plundered, beaten and ousted his Albanian neighbors. Petar Topoljski was an administrative employee within the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). Journalists Gjylije Rexha and Muhamet Gashi published an article in the daily “DITA” 2 weeks prior to his murder, with this title: “WHEN “PETAR” BECOMES “PITTER?” (Date: 27 April 2000)
“Whilst witnesses talk about his actions during the war, he continues to work and wander freely within offices of municipality of Prishtina”, states the newspaper subtitle. After this article UNMIK doesn’t react at all towards this article saying that they: “Welcome every case and proof which would help in discovery of people involved in crimes, but those should be submitted to police.”
UNMIK reacted only when Topoljski was found murdered by unknown persons still. The article accuses Topoljski basing on interviewed witnesses and quoting them by initials and is accused as a criminal in the neighborhood of Bregu i Diellit in Prishtina. Witness F.B. says that Petar caused him and his father a lot of harm during the war: “Although he (Topoljski) carried a mask, we knew him, all the time he had carried various weapons even in the first days after arrival of NATO troops, and said to me “how did you elude my effort to get your head”.
On 15 may 2000 Petar Topoljski was found dead, this information was delivered at the daily KFOR and UNMIK press conference, where they mentioned also the article in daily “DITA” which weeks earlier accused UNMIK employee for crimes. Behlul Beqaj, editor of “DITA” says the article was published with an effort to make UNMIK to react towards the criminals: “Article was based on facts having all the statements from witnesses of Petar Topoljski’s actions”. The case was denounced by the UN Special Representative of Secretary General, Bernard Kushner, saying that this article has violated the law and the essence of Resolution 1244 which administers Kosova. UNMIK spokesperson said that “the article included personal information, including name, place of work and victim’s daily itinerary”.
Behlul Beqaj wrote to chief of UNMIK saying that the newspaper he edits will continue publishing the names and photos of criminals which carried out crimes in Kosova. In an interview for “Free Europe” in defending the newspaper and the article he states: “We don’t decide for justice, we inform the justice”. He also adds that his journalists didn’t make a mistake when investigating this case since it is the duty to inform the public on these cases. UNMIK reacts harshly and decides with a decree and no normal procedures to close the newspaper “DITA” with justification that: “Editors have breached UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and have endangered Petar Topoljski’s life”. Editor Behlul Beqaj reacted against this decree saying: “Resolution 1244 doesn’t say anywhere that media are obliged to hide the facts and not publish them”. Dan Everts, chief of OSCE (Organization for Security for Co-operation in Europe) says that an article with so many details for one person is dangerous: “If Topoljski would have not been murdered … I don’t know maybe the daily “Dita” wouldn’t not be closed…simply I don’t know”

REPRESENTATION OF ROMA-ASHKALI IN THE KOSOVAN MEDIA
Roma position remains the same. This category of population is the most prejudged society in Kosova, and often with the help of media. One of the most spoken and presented cases was the case with a member of Kosova Parliament, of Roma-Egyptian origin.
If it is this particular case reported from the local media is analyzed then it can be understood that there is a huge focus in this case only because the accused is of Roma-Ashkali descendible person. This case was reported in daily newspaper Express written by journalist Gjergj Filipaj who has entitled this story “Master in action” and has reported these accusations.
”Sabit Rrahmani, head of Ashkalis Party does not stop on cheating people. He is signing documents where it is said that Ashkalis are threatened by Albanians. With no shame he collects 1,500 euros per each released document”.
The journalists team from this daily paper has found time and went to visit one of the villages dwelled by Roma-Ashkali community where Nasser Kondolli one of the Roma-Ashkali deceived by the member of the Kosovo Parliament. “Time has passed and we now are getting along with Albanians. Nasser is a good man and as I know he never had any problems with Albanians”.
Although in the material presented in the paper it is said that “Master in Action” has given certificates where it was written that no one gives any security about the future of Romas-Ashkalis in Kosovo.
The journalist says that Sabit Rrahmani through issuing these certificates could have caused tensions between the Albanian majority and the Roma-Ashkali minority.
In this manner through articles like this a degradation of Roma’s is being done. In Kosovo there are a lot of cases where Albanian members of the Kosovo Parliament do illegal things but these stories are not emphasized as when it is about minorities. It is important to say that Romas-Ashkalis are presented as exotic communities by the media. In media they are shown as a community with no complexes more or less misinformed about life in Kosovo. The Albanian majority always makes fun with them.

REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN THE KOSOVAN MEDIA
If we were to think just for a moment we would say that women are the most prejudged in Kosova, including the media here. Although it seems that media are trying to represent the real problems of people, to attack the society’s bad habits, breach of law or corruption, their representatives cannot elude the biasness and open drift towards marginalization.
Women are the most often victim in news in media, whose photos in every kind of circumstances are shown with rush on screens and newspapers whilst mistreating them profusely, although her guilt or innocence is not proven. The fashion of distributing video by Bluetooth has achieved culmination in Kosova and their victims are women of course, whose privacy is freely exchanged for fun from a cell to a cell phone, to end in a newspaper photo or a television chronicle with the aim to improve sales or ratings.One female is not “spared” even when she is the victim in an accident, suicide or rape.
Strangely journalists do not look into the cause of death or rape they more easily deal with its victim making her an object for gossip, which in most cases with the humiliation suffered destroys her life.This happens due to the fact that female is the most prejudged and most vulnerable creature in Kosova, and the media did not develop to that level yet, as to save them from abyss.

INTRODUCING POOR PEOPLE IN THE MEDIA
In regard to other groups, the care is not on the required level as well. Poor, lonely or abandoned people are introduced as miserable, uneducated, weak and hopeless. Usually, written and television media journalists make stories about poverty only when there are not so many subjects, especially during weekends, or eventually when there is an annual awarding for stories for poverty. These stories are presented by characters that are crying whilst journalists do not consider any other aspect which makes these people poor. Abandoned and orphaned children, the ones that beg on streets are subjects for which journalists try to show their darkest side, without any effort to at least hide their face, and without mentioning the sick and handicapped who are the most subject to compassion and mercy.

CONCLUSIONThe guilt is orphan and nobody’s in particular. It is an issue of culture and mentality, things which change by a very slow pace within the nation. And no matter how much is media the fore guardian of change, its representatives are humans like all others. Even they can not avoid prejudice and are not as open as they should to change. After the war there was a tragic incident where a person of Serb minority was killed after one newspaper reported on him (“When Petar becomes Peter”) and made him an identifiable target for the extremists. Other less tragic incidents occurred after the war which served as a lesson for Kosovar media, where they learned to report with responsibility regarding minorities so as not to put them in danger. We can even say that today Kosovar media are more than careful when reporting about minorities, especially the Serb minority because they understand the sensitivity of the issue. We can conclude that the Serb minority but also Roma minority get fair representation in Kosovan press.
Although sometimes one can notice that when it comes to Roma’s there is still a sense of prejudice towards them. Often they are presented as people who know only how to drink and sing, but not of any cultural relevance. Or for example it is easier for the papers to report on misdeeds of Roma’s (Sabit Rrahmani) than of Albanian or Serb officials. But in general Kosovan press reports on minorities without prejudice and ethnic hatred.

THE POOR POVERTY NEWS

By Arben Llapashtica
llapashticaarben@hotmail.com

Intro to journalism/Intro to KIJAC


The poverty figures remain still the old ones, 37 % of the population
lives with 1.43 Euro cent a day, while 15 % live with 0.93 Euro cent a day.

This part of the society has attracted the media attention more than once.

But, how did the three national televisions of Kosova dealt with this sensitive issue?

Created after the 1999 war, with a modest program of 2 hours, now 8 years on with 24-hour program, the three national TV’s RTK, KTV, RTV21, are in the same line when doing “social” stories.

The national broadcasters are full of young journalists, which earn more than the officials in Kosovo’s institutions.

There might be some reasons why these broadcasters are paying attention of such cases,

The unsettled status of Kosovo or the imposed protocol journalism carried out by bias editors.

It happens especially during the weekend.
Saturdays and Sundays apart of stories which have to do with books promotion or the ever-lasting garbage problem, in three broadcasters one can see always at least one poverty story.

The journalists deal with such stories, when they have nothing else to deal with.


The Poverty stories are made especially also when United Nations Kosovo Team (UNKT), announce they will give the traditional poverty prize.

The journalists do well in meeting the criteria set by UNKT.

According to these criteria the main subject of a story should be the poverty, which can be seen, from political or socio-economic perspective.

Reportage with people living in poverty can also be included.

The story is likely to have different elements within the story, so the poverty can be shown as good as possible.

When they do the poverty stories, the journalists would show a family, whose members would cry in front of the camera.

At the end, it could happen that an official from the Ministry of Work and Social Welfare, would appear talking about well-known figures, and as usually saying their budget is very low.

The other factors that are important and explain why people are poor, are rarely shown on TV.

One of the journalists will for sure win 1000 Euros from UNKT. It may be that the story he has shown, will affect some rich viewers, how will feel sorry and will decide to help that family by sending them money, or goods.

But, what is happening with journalism and those 40 % of the people living in poverty?

The human stories, and the problems people face, yet, are not so much seen on TV’s for many reasons:


n The lack of dealing with such issues
n The difficulties with doing a full story with the poverty as a subject, with all elements
n Journalists are not dealing with the cause of poverty. In stead they talk with “the victims” who are easy to find and meet. You can talk to them easily, but the “aggressor” in most of the cases are not identified
n “The conflict of interests” in many cases doesn’t allow the editors to let the journalists deal properly with poverty issues
n Dealing with such a story takes a lot of time, and investigation, which has its cost. The media owners don’t want to spend a lot, for a story which will only cover 2-3 minutes of their on-air show
n Media should be the one which helps the society to get emancipated. In this sense, the audience is not used that the media deals permanently and does follow-ups of such stories, and as a result doesn’t ask for such news. The audience is used to get whatever is served to, and media shows whatever the audience gets easy

Anyway, the editors in three national broadcasters explain their perspective in dealing with this issue.

Mentor Shala, the editor of Main News editions in RTK, says that lately they are not doing stories about poverty for two reasons.

“We can see that lately we are not doing poverty stories, not because we don’t want to, but because our focus is the status issue. But, it doesn’t mean we are not going to do them again. But, I can recall that after every story we broadcasted a lot of people called us, willing to help people in need, as the institutions aren’t doing that. But, what happens next? A lot of families understood that showing on TV can make them get some help, so they were pressing the journalists and editors to make them appear on TV. This is another reason why we called-off such stories, at least for a while”, Shala says.

According to him, the journalists compete in such prizes, because of the poor salaries they get where they work.

Meanwhile, Xhemajl Rexha, editor and journalist with KTV, says that this station is still remaining “the alternative one”, in every issue they deal with.

“I consider poverty, just as any other issue we deal with in our station. We try to give all our stories a different perspective, one you can’t see in other TV stations. We’ve being doing poverty stories for a long time, and always get as many sources as we can to best explain why this poverty is enormous, and how we can get over it. This means we would start a regular story with a family living in poor conditions, we would have someone from the Ministry of Work explaining how they’re coping with this problem, some figures and an expert giving opinions about how to overcome the problem. Anyway, we do not want to become “a humanitarian broadcaster”. But, we still feel good knowing our stories have an enormous effect”, Rexha thinks.

He says that they show stories of how people would work, anything, just to survive and not depend of the help, and which according to him can serve as example for other people.

Rexha is aware journalists do make special stories just to compete for the prizes, but recalls that a KTV cameraman won the prize last year, with a documentary done way before the prize was announced.

Anyway, in RTV 21, the young editor, Xhevdet Sfarça is critical to the people he works with.
“Unfortunately, the people of Kosovo are still very much politicized, while the editors of Kosovan media, including the ones in RTV21, are “afraid” that their news wouldn’t have much viewers if the first 3-4 news wouldn’t be dealing the status issue. The other problem is that dealing with such issues as poverty or corruption is costly. It requires time, professional journalists, and courage of the media, which I think doesn’t exist. The media policy is important factor when doing these stories. The media bosses don’t want to break their good relationships with the institutions, because of the mutual interests”, Sfarça says.
But, it is in RTV21 where Gjergj Filipaj , Communications Coordinator at the UN Kosovo Team in Pristina, sees more poverty stories. Still, he says that the issue is not in media’s agenda.
“RTV 21 is one of the few Kosovo media that has regular stories broadcasted, which are considered poverty friendly while other media are more discriminative towards poverty stories. However, I can say that there is a positive mood towards reporting on poverty but this trend is still low compared with other issues that are on the top of the Kosovo newspapers, radios, and television stations agenda “ Filipaj says.

He as well is critical to the journalists that do wining-prize stories.

“I have the impression that journalists write about poverty issues only when there is a reward for this kind of reporting. I can give an example about this. The UN Kosovo Team (UNKT) where I work as communications coordinator has established a UNKT Poverty Prize. Journalists who compete in this competition mostly publish their stories on the requested deadline; if for example the deadline is the 1st October then most of the stories published/broadcasted are from 15 to 30 September. This means that they would not write these kind of stories if they would think that they can win the UNKT Poverty Prize. Most of the stories brought to this competition have the needed information, balance, source but they lack the reason why these stories are published, just for the sake of competing and winning a prize”, thinks Filipaj.

Anyway, crying people needing help we will still see on TV’s, but an answer what’s behind that, and what to do next, is just so hard to find, at least in the media.